十四五演讲稿6篇

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优秀的演讲稿可以帮助我们消化吸收演讲的主题,表达出自己的观点,演讲稿的内容是需要我们反复推敲的,这样我们的演讲才不会出现漏洞,吾优心得网小编今天就为您带来了十四五演讲稿6篇,相信一定会对你有所帮助。

十四五演讲稿6篇

十四五演讲稿篇1

who arrived at the place all belong to yesterday. even if the mountains green again the water to show that water again gentleness. too deep linger became a fetters trip over not only have two feet and in the future.

how can you don't like to start? it is a pity that haven't seen on lofty mountains; see the lofty mountains and have not seen the sea vast is still a pity; see the vastness of the sea have never seen a vast desert still sad; see the vast desert have not seen the mystery of forest or regret. there are a lot of scenery in the world i have not old.

i know dashan is rocky the sea waves the desert sand forest have a beast of prey. even so i still like it.

break the peace of life is another scene. glad i haven't old. what about even old not words called hale and hearty?

so i would also like to learn from the mountain i also want to learn from the brave i also want to learn from the desert i also want to learn from the forest alert. i want to learn to taste a colorful life.

how far one can go? this is not to ask two feet but ask ambition; man can climb much higher? this thing is not to ask his hands but asked will. so i want to use the youth blood raise a lofty goals for yourself. is not only to win a glorious but also in pursuit of a kind of state. goals is glorious goal not life will be because of the wind and rain all the way walk becomes rich and colorful; in my opinion this is not to life.

yes i like to start i wish you also like it.

in life often have numerous blow from outside but what effect will these blows to you the final say in your hands.

十四五演讲稿篇2

it is wrong, i suggest, it is a misreading of the constitution for any member here to assert that for a member to vote for an article of impeachment means that that member must be convinced that the president should be removed from office. the constitution doesn't say that. the powers relating to impeachment are an essential check in the hands of the body of the legislature against and upon the encroachments of the executive. the division between the two branches of the legislature, the house and the senate, assigning to the one the right to accuse and to the other the right to judge, the framers of this constitution were very astute. they did not make the accusers and the judgers -- and the judges the same person.

we know the nature of impeachment. we've been talking about it awhile now. it is chiefly designed for the president and his high ministers to somehow be called into account. it is designed to "bridle" the executive if he engages in excesses. "it is designed as a method of national inquest into the conduct of public men."² the framers confided in the congress the power if need be, to remove the president in order to strike a delicate balance between a president swollen with power and grown tyrannical, and preservation of the independence of the executive.

the nature of impeachment: a narrowly channeled exception to the separation-of-powers maxim. the federal convention of 1787 said that. it limited impeachment to high crimes and misdemeanors and discounted and opposed the term "maladministration." "it is to be used only for great misdemeanors," so it was said in the north carolina ratification convention. and in the virginia ratification convention: "we do not trust our liberty to a particular branch. we need one branch to check the other."

"no one need be afraid" -- the north carolina ratification convention -- "no one need be afraid that officers who commit oppression will pass with immunity." "prosecutions of impeachments will seldom fail to agitate the passions of the whole community," said hamilton in the federalist papers, number 65. "we divide into parties more or less friendly or inimical to the accused."³ i do not mean political parties in that sense.

十四五演讲稿篇3

it is obvious today that america has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. instead of honoring this sacred obligation, america has given the negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." but we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

so we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

we have also come to this hallowed spot to remind america of the fierce urgency of now. this is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of god's children. now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

it would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the negro. this sweltering summer of the negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

those who hope that the negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. there will be neither rest nor tranquility in america until the negro is granted his citizenship rights. the whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

but there is something that i must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. in the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

we must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

十四五演讲稿篇4

my fellow teachers and students:

hello everybody! my topic is "bless you! my dear motherland! ! ! . "

in october, the national flag fluttering, nationwide celebration. today, people of all nationalities joy, ushered in the people's republic of 60th birthday; north and south of the chinese people are heartily singing, for the old and the young country deeply wishes!

every time i stood in the bright rising star under the red flag, can not help but heart is surging. motherland, ah, motherland! your diligence and courage, unyielding national spirit of independence in the east, has created one of the wonders of the world, one brilliant achievement. , china's manned space program has been developing by leaps and bounds, every successful launch, i will be excited, because they dream of carrying into space in my heart, round our dream of flying the chinese people. million the year is no longer just a dream the dream of the 21st century, the chinese people has finally fulfilled his dream of flying. we not only want a stable foothold on the motherland, we have to walk through the universe! at 21:10:04 on september 25, 20xx, shenzhou vii launch. at 16:41:00 on september 21, china's astronauts zhai zhigang opening the door the orbital module of shenzhou vii manned spacecraft, so the vast space we finally left the chinese people's footprints. 20xx olympic and paralympic games successfully held the world on attention, which fully demonstrates our strong strength. we do our best athletes, solidarity, made one remarkable achievement. however, the arrival of the pride and honor, while a catastrophic disaster coming to us also.

十四五演讲稿篇5

today i am an inquisitor. an hyperbole would not be fictional and would not overstate the solemnness that i feel right now. my faith in the constitution is whole; it is complete; it is total. and i am not going to sit here and be an idle spectator to the diminution, the subversion, the destruction, of the constitution.

"who can so properly be the inquisitors for the nation as the representatives of the nation themselves?" "the subjects of its jurisdiction are those offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men."¹ and that's what we're talking about. in other words, [the jurisdiction comes] from the abuse or violation of some public trust.

it is wrong, i suggest, it is a misreading of the constitution for any member here to assert that for a member to vote for an article of impeachment means that that member must be convinced that the president should be removed from office. the constitution doesn't say that. the powers relating to impeachment are an essential check in the hands of the body of the legislature against and upon the encroachments of the executive. the division between the two branches of the legislature, the house and the senate, assigning to the one the right to accuse and to the other the right to judge, the framers of this constitution were very astute. they did not make the accusers and the judgers -- and the judges the same person.

we know the nature of impeachment. we've been talking about it awhile now. it is chiefly designed for the president and his high ministers to somehow be called into account. it is designed to "bridle" the executive if he engages in excesses. "it is designed as a method of national inquest into the conduct of public men."² the framers confided in the congress the power if need be, to remove the president in order to strike a delicate balance between a president swollen with power and grown tyrannical, and preservation of the independence of the executive.

十四五演讲稿篇6

thank you, mr. chairman.

mr. chairman, i join my colleague mr. rangel in thanking you for giving the junior members of this committee the glorious opportunity of sharing the pain of this inquiry. mr. chairman, you are a strong man, and it has not been easy but we have tried as best we can to give you as much assistance as possible.

earlier today, we heard the beginning of the preamble to the constitution of the united states: "we, the people." it's a very eloquent beginning. but when that document was completed on the seventeenth of september in 1787, i was not included in that "we, the people." i felt somehow for many years that george washington and alexander hamilton just left me out by mistake. but through the process of amendment, interpretation, and court decision, i have finally been included in "we, the people."

the marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

we cannot walk alone.and as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. we cannot turn back. there are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "when will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. we cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. we can never be satisfied as long as a negro in mississippi cannot vote and a negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

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